The new government of Israeli collapsed long-serving Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister this summer, is full of conflicts. There are pro-settlement right-wingers, no pro-peace left-wingers, practical centrists, and even for the first time an Arab Islamist party, all sitting together in one governing alliance.
There is almost no accord on the most disruptive matter – the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is just how Micah Goodman likes it. A political philosopher, Goodman flew to public fame in Israel and beyond for his contrarian thesis on how to sort out prolong the conflict.
Goodman’s paradigm of “shrinking the conflict”, despite its ambiguity, has clearly a leftist bent.
The things he proposes like stopping settlement construction outside the blocs and, especially, recognizing the Palestinian State, put a brake on all Greater Israel fantasies. https://t.co/NQSzx6ZbPa
— Michael (@novussubsole) September 17, 2021
Several people called him the court philosopher of Naftali Bennett, the Prime Minister, an ultra-nationalist ex-settlement leader, who publicly embraced Goodman’s example of shrinking the conflict. However, other leftist and mainstream ministers have also come calling. Even the Biden government apparently assumed what Goodman calls his pragmatic and less conceptual approach.
Moreover, the White House remains devoted to a two-nation solution; Antony Blinken, the Secretary of State, said that the instant priority was to rebuild trust between Palestinians and Israelis in May. Goodman himself confused with the recent interest from diplomats, politicians, and generals. Earlier in his career, Goodman wrote books evaluating ancient Jewish texts, which he says was exactly the accurate training for tackling a conflict as combative as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Israel Started Issuing 15000 New Work Permits for Palestinians
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Last week, one senior official told CNN that they intended to make every effort to shrink the conflict and start shaping the solution, starting with economics and infrastructure. Still, the more extensive measures outlined above are tremendously unlikely given the make-up of the present Israeli alliance. However, it doesn’t discourage Goodman in his mind; it only boosts his thesis.
Goodman says that there is no harmony in the government about the end game, but they can reach an agreement about the game. Further, he adds that it is the entire approach of this government on all issues. The significant thing is to agree on the action instead of on the narrative spreading across it. Critics of Goodman from both the left and the right are not as optimistic.
For the right, the moves he is raising likely run an advanced security risk than he appreciates, and in any case, misses the higher point. The left doesn’t see too much new in the thesis of Goodman and, at worst, is doubtful that reducing the conflict is the similar approach adopted previously by the Israeli right – economic peace or managing the conflict – only rebranded.
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